Author Topic: Sovereignty Now  (Read 340 times)

Arnold jr

  • Getbig V
  • *****
  • Posts: 7247
  • fleshandiron.com
Sovereignty Now
« on: September 19, 2010, 04:11:58 PM »
http://www.sovereigntynow.org/index.php

About Us

It is the mission of Sovereignty Now to assist in the establishment of a legal foundation from which States can draw authority to re-assert their sovereignty, i.e. their original rights to nullify unconstitutional federal mandates, withhold funds, and to protect its citizens and their commerce from the predations of an unbound and unfettered federal tyranny.

The venue providing this legal basis would be a ‘Constitutional Commission’ composed of historians and legal experts whose scholarly work in their craft has given them national standing and peer recognition. The ‘Commission’ would be tasked with examining the actions of the federal government and its judicial rulings in a manner analogous to a professional ‘peer review,’ and to make a determination as to whether or not it is, in practice and effect, a constitutionally bound legal body. Sovereignty Now asserts that any conflict arising from an interpretation of the Constitution must be resolved, first, by its literal reading, and second, by establishment of the Founder’s original intent. No state, nor any of its citizens should be legally bound by any federal decision not in accordance with this precept.

Arnold jr

  • Getbig V
  • *****
  • Posts: 7247
  • fleshandiron.com
Re: Sovereignty Now
« Reply #1 on: September 19, 2010, 04:12:59 PM »

Issues
I. First Premise

The 10th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is in full force and effect, and no subsequent amendment or judicial ruling may be construed in a manner that mitigates, detracts from or otherwise limits its meaning to any other than its most literal interpretation.

II. Second Premise

The aims, expectations and values of approximately half the American population are so at odds with the other that these differences are completely incompatible and irreconcilable within the framework of our existing republican form of government. This polarization fuels our national conflict when reform-minded states that oust their long-term incumbents are subordinated and subjugated in the congress by those that do not.

III. Third Premise

The cumulative effects of failed, unconstitutional government policies, the respective parties in power notwithstanding, have so weakened our internal institutions and polarized our society such that, left to its current trajectory, societal devolution, financial collapse, anarchy and civil war are not unreasonable eventual outcomes.

IV. Fourth Premise

There is little likelihood that our federal government can be fundamentally reformed within its existing framework, regardless of the outcome of national elections. This is due, in large measure, to the immense, overarching influence of lobbyists representing narrow, specialized interests working in concert with a massive, entrenched, self-serving bureaucracy accumulated over a span of 221 years of American history.

V. Fifth Premise

“No legitimate institution can be the sole and final arbiter of its own legitimacy,” yet the Supreme Court reigns supreme, unchecked and unaccountable, with no practical limits to its power or mischief. The carefully crafted safeguards imbedded in our Constitution have long since been and continue to be ignored and thwarted by a Supreme Court unbound by any willingness or duty to abide by its literal interpretation. This has, within the existing legal framework, irrevocably shifted power away from the States, and from the People, in direct conflict with the Founder’s intent.

VI. Sixth Premise

True reform can only come as an exogenic process, when sufficient numbers of States, through their respective legislatures, governors, and by the assent of their people, reassert all their original rights and powers as affirmed in the 1789 ratification. These rights are meaningless unless also accompanied by a right of refusal to further fund the unconstitutional endeavors of the federal government, and a mechanical means to implement same.

VII. Seventh Premise

The federal government never had the right or standing to deny to the states their right to declare their religious affiliation or the manner in which those beliefs may be expressed as a matter of public policy.