Author Topic: Accounting for Public Pensions (Ponzinomics)  (Read 528 times)

Soul Crusher

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Accounting for Public Pensions (Ponzinomics)
« on: December 10, 2010, 09:52:51 AM »
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December 9, 2010
Accounting for Public Pensions
By FLOYD NORRIS
www.nytimes.com




A generation ago, when Ronald Reagan was president, the accounting rule makers forced American companies to come clean on the cost of the pension plans they were promising to employees. That decision, perhaps more than any other, heralded the eventual demise of defined-benefit pensions for employees of American companies.

Now something very similar may be in store for public sector employees, thanks in part to the Republican victories in last month’s Congressional elections.

Forcing companies to account in a reasonable manner for their pensions was a contentious issue at one time. Companies feared it would slash reported profits, and they preferred a system where the only expense they had to count was the money the company actually put into the pension plan. Roger Smith, then the chairman of General Motors, came to a hearing of the Financial Accounting Standards Board to denounce the idea. G.M. argued that such accounting would violate its agreement with the United Automobile Workers union, an argument that seemed to perplex the accountants.

The rule adopted was far from perfect, but it forced companies to estimate the cost of pension benefits being accrued each year. Companies were allowed to “smooth” the numbers by phasing in market changes in the values of pension fund assets, so there was reason to complain that the figures could be misleading. But the principle was established.

Today, not nearly as many companies offer defined-benefit plans to new employees. It is far more common to see a company that has stopped allowing workers to accumulate new benefits, even though companies are still liable for benefits earned before plans were changed or closed. The accountants forced companies to confront the risks they were taking — in effect guaranteeing that pension fund investments would grow — and the companies decided the risks were too great.

As a result, a part of the safety net that previous generations took for granted became far less secure. Workers now tend to have defined-contribution plans, like 401(k)’s, to which they and their employers contribute. The worker chooses the investments, and bears the consequences when they go up or down in value.

That fact almost certainly contributed to the severity of the 2007-9 recession and the slowness of the recovery that has followed. Far more Americans than ever before had a direct stake in the stock market, and the sharp fall in stocks meant that their retirement plans had to change. The number of people over 60 with jobs is up 10 percent over the last three years while the number of jobs held by people under 60 has fallen by 7 percent.

The stock market has regained most of the lost ground since then, but many 401(k) plans have not benefited. Many people reduced their stock market investments at precisely the wrong time. Mutual funds that invest primarily in American stocks have suffered net withdrawals of $90 billion since the stock market hit bottom.

As companies moved away from defined-benefit plans, most cities and states did not follow. One reason for that may have been that the Government Accounting Standards Board — the public sector equivalent of FASB — has done much less to force good disclosures, or comparable ones.

Having limited information available can obscure problems, but when concerns arise, a lack of good data can have the opposite effect; people assume the worst.

Estimates of unfunded pension liabilities can be breathtaking. Two economists, Robert Novy-Marx of the University of Rochester and Joshua Rauh of Northwestern, put the figures at $3 trillion for state governments and almost $600 billion for municipalities. Those figures are far greater than official government figures, and are highly dependent on interest rate levels, which can and do fluctuate. They may be too high, but there is no way to be sure of that.

Some people say the 1974 passage of the Employee Retirement Income Security Act, known as Erisa, led to the demise of private pension plans because companies for the first time really had to honor pension promises. But the trend did not pick up steam until the accountants forced disclosure of real numbers. Most state constitutions have long barred cutting public pension benefits that have been earned, but that fact alone did not force change.

This week, three Republican members of Congress, led by Representative Devin Nunes of California, a senior member of the Ways and Means Committee, proposed legislation to force states and cities to report pension fund liabilities on the same basis, and to force them to disclose market values of assets. The bill would not even allow smoothing, so the state of pension funding will seem volatile as markets rise and fall. Such volatility could be reduced by putting more pension money into bonds than stocks, but doing so would force governments to admit they were likely to earn less on investments, and thus need to put even more money into pension plans.

The congressmen would not like to have it said they are forcing anything. The bill gives local governments a choice: they can report the way the members want them to report, or they can give up the ability to issue tax-exempt bonds. That is, of course, no choice at all.

Introducing a bill is not the same as passing one, but this may be an idea whose time has come. There is rising concern over the state of local government finances, and governments may be forced to make better disclosures if they simply want to issue new bonds.

Disclosures are likely to lead to growing pressure to rein in pension costs, even though that will be resisted by public employee unions, which often have considerable political clout.

Even assuming legislatures want to act, doing so is not easy, in part because of state constitutional provisions. Governments could follow corporate precedents by treating new employees differently and by stopping existing employees from accumulating new benefits. But that may not be enough to stem the flood of red ink, particularly in cities and states where pension fund contributions have been deferred to avoid cuts in other spending.

Some abuses can be stopped, such as the practice of allowing retiring employees to work hundreds of hours of overtime in their final year, and then counting that pay in determining the pension payment, which is often based on a percentage of annual pay. It is not clear how many abuses there are, but the publicity given to some of those that do exist has damaged the image of, and public sympathy for, public employees. There is also a widespread suspicion that mayors and governors have agreed to excessive pension benefits, often as a substitute for pay increases, simply because the bill would be paid by some future administration.

Companies have the option of going bankrupt and getting the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation, a federal agency, to take over their obligations. The P.B.G.C. can then reduce payments on larger pensions. But it is not clear what will happen when cities go bankrupt, in part because there are not that many precedents, and states apparently cannot file for bankruptcy at all. Of course, the fact a state cannot file in bankruptcy court does not mean it cannot go broke.

There has been talk of shared sacrifice, in which employees accept lower benefits, taxpayers pay more and bondholders also take hits. You can argue that is what happened in New York City a quarter of a century ago, when some bondholders were forced to extend maturities. But widespread expectations that such a thing was possible could drive up borrowing costs for all localities, making their fiscal problems that much worse.

In the end, I suspect ways will be found to abrogate some pension promises. But even if that does not happen, the trend away from defined-benefit pensions is likely to affect most younger public employees, as it already has their counterparts in the private sector. The retirement safety net will thus become a little more frayed.


http://www.nytimes.com/2010/12/10/business/10norris.html?_r=1&ref=business&adxnnlx=1291989637-5iCo 1HlWBF/AGd7eNvhVg&pagewanted=print


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This is another scam on the taxpayer that needs to be ended asap.  

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Re: Accounting for Public Pensions (Ponzinomics)
« Reply #1 on: June 22, 2011, 01:36:47 PM »
Study: $1400 Tax Hike Needed to Fund US Pensions
Published: Wednesday, 22 Jun 2011 | 2:47 PM ET Text Size By: Reuters

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U.S. state and local governments will need to raise taxes by $1,398 per household every year for the next 30 years if they are to fully fund their pension systems, a study released on Wednesday said.

 
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The study, co-authored by Joshua Rauh of Northwestern University and Robert Novy-Marx of the University of Rochester, both of whom are finance professors, argues that states will have to cut services or raise taxes to make up funding gaps if promises made to municipal employees are to be honored.

Pension funding in U.S. cities and states has deteriorated in the wake of the 2007-2009 economic recession as investment earnings dropped, and some states, such as New Jersey and Illinois, skipped or reduced required payments.

The issue has sparked heated debates, from the streets of Wisconsin's capital, Madison, where thousands demonstrated over public employees' rights to bargain, to New Jersey, where lawmakers are expected to give final approval this week to a plan that will scale back benefits for public sector workers.

Wall Street rating agencies and investors in the $2.9 trillion U.S. municipal bond market are increasingly focusing on unfunded pension liabilities as they weigh the credit-worthiness of state and local government debt.


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Rauh and Novy-Marx have previously stirred up the debate over state pension obligations, including the dire prediction that existing pension liabilities total around $3 trillion, if expected returns on investments are not counted.

Other studies have estimated the shortfall as far less. The Pew Center on the States, for example, found the pension shortfall for states could be $1.8 trillion, or as much as $2.4 trillion based on a 30-year Treasury bond.

The study issued on Wednesday said contributions will far outstrip gains in revenue.

"To achieve fully funded pension systems within 30 years, contributions would have to rise today to the levels we calculate and then continue to grow along with the economy," Rauh said.

New Jersey will need to increase its revenue by the largest margin, requiring $2,475 more from each household per year, according to the study.

The contribution requirements may be higher for states that already have a significant amount of debt on their books and "cannot tap municipal bond markets as easily for large contributions," the report said.

Illinois, for example, which has the lowest funded ratio of any state pension system, sold billions of dollars of pension bonds over the last two years to make its pension payments.

Copyright 2011 Thomson Reuters. Click for restrictions.

http://www.cnbc.com/id/43498037


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Re: Accounting for Public Pensions (Ponzinomics)
« Reply #2 on: November 13, 2017, 11:58:40 AM »
Opinion: How did CalPERS dig a $153 billion pension hole?
San Jose Mercury-News ^ | November 13, 2017 | by Dan Pellissier
Posted on 11/13/2017, 2:39:45 PM by Oldeconomybuyer

During the next five weeks, the CalPERS board, custodian of $326 billion in assets needed to fulfill retirement promises for 1.8 million California public employees and beneficiaries, will make decisions affecting government budgets for decades to come.

The problem is, despite their fiduciary duty under the state Constitution to “protect the competency of the assets” under their absolute control, CalPERS is roughly $153 billion short of fully funding the retirement promises earned to date.

How did CalPERS dig this huge hole? During the last decade, they manipulated actuarial assumptions and methods to keep employer and employee contribution rates low in the short term.

Besides over-estimating investment returns, CalPERS uses very long amortization schedules to push debts onto future generations, greatly increasing the pension system’s long-term cost. As a result, CalPERS is just 68 percent funded, barely above what would be “critical” status for private-sector pension plans.

Simple math requires government employers and employees to contribute more money to fill the roughly $153 billion gap. Yet government agencies do not want pension costs to crowd out expenditures for other worthy programs. And government employees would rather have pay increases and force taxpayers 30 years later to finish paying today’s pension bill.

The state Constitution is very clear that protecting the assets needed to fulfill pension promises is CalPERS’ first priority. We will see whether the political temptation to take impotent half measures is stronger than CalPERS’ fiduciary duty to maximize fund security. The California taxpayers of 2047 have a huge stake in this decision.

(Excerpt) Read more at mercurynews.com ...


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Re: Accounting for Public Pensions (Ponzinomics)
« Reply #3 on: November 13, 2017, 03:41:18 PM »
I've said MANY times on this board that all governments from City right up to Federal should get rid of Defined Benefit Pensions

It's absurd to pay a salary for life to someone who is no longer working (same goes for giving them free health care)

Better to set aside a specific dollar amount in their retirement plan for every year that they work (and could be adjusted so it's a higher employer contribution if the employee also contributes) and then when they retire they don't receive another dime of compensation from the city/state/federal governement

I would expect every Republican to be on board with this

What we have now is a fucking nanny state for city/state/federal employees.