Author Topic: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)  (Read 4885 times)

blacken700

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A new Brookings Institution/Tax Policy Center study finds Mitt Romney's plan to overhaul the tax code would produce cuts for the richest 5% of Americans -- and larger bills for everybody else.

The Washington Post notes the researchers seemed "to bend over backward to be fair to the Republican presidential candidate" but "none of it helped Romney."

"His rate-cutting plan for individuals would reduce tax collections by about $360 billion in 2015, the study says. To avoid increasing deficits -- as Romney has pledged -- the plan would have to generate an equivalent amount of revenue by slashing tax breaks for mortgage interest, employer-provided health care, education, medical expenses, state and local taxes, and child care -- all breaks that benefit the middle class."

http://politicalwire.com/archives/2012/08/01/romney_tax_plan_would_raise_taxes_on_95.html

GigantorX

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #1 on: August 01, 2012, 02:23:46 PM »
A new Brookings Institution/Tax Policy Center study finds Mitt Romney's plan to overhaul the tax code would produce cuts for the richest 5% of Americans -- and larger bills for everybody else.

The Washington Post notes the researchers seemed "to bend over backward to be fair to the Republican presidential candidate" but "none of it helped Romney."

"His rate-cutting plan for individuals would reduce tax collections by about $360 billion in 2015, the study says. To avoid increasing deficits -- as Romney has pledged -- the plan would have to generate an equivalent amount of revenue by slashing tax breaks for mortgage interest, employer-provided health care, education, medical expenses, state and local taxes, and child care -- all breaks that benefit the middle class."

http://politicalwire.com/archives/2012/08/01/romney_tax_plan_would_raise_taxes_on_95.html

Removing tax expenditures is a good thing.

Lowering the overall rates is a good thing as well.

Also, it looks like the study took some liberties with their analysis..

- "(We do not score Governor Romney’s plan directly, as certain components of his plan are not specified in sufficient detail, nor do we make assumptions regarding what those components might be."

Soul Crusher

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #2 on: August 01, 2012, 02:25:46 PM »

Obama Cites 'Independent, Non-Partisan Study' Written by Former Staffer, Close Ally

"This wasn’t my staff," Obama insists.

1:14 PM, Aug 1, 2012 • By DANIEL HALPER



http://www.weeklystandard.com/blogs/obama-cites-independent-non-partisan-study-written-former-staffer_649193.html


President Obama cited an "independent, non-partisan study" in Mansfield, Ohio earlier today:
 


"And you do not have to take my word for it," said Obama. "Just today, an independent, non-partisan organization ran all the numbers on Governor Romney’s plan. This wasn’t my staff. This wasn’t something we did. Independent group, ran the numbers."
 
The president is right, up to a point: The study was not written by an Obama staffer, but by a former Obama staffer--and a close ally.
 
The study, titled “On The Distributional Effects Of Base-Broadening Income Tax Reform,” was written by Samuel Brown, William Gale, and Adam Looney.
 
As Looney's biography page at the Brookings Institution states, "Looney was the senior economist for public finance and tax policy with the President’s Council of Economic Advisers and has been an economist at the Federal Reserve Board."

tonymctones

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #3 on: August 01, 2012, 08:15:00 PM »
But does it cost us 700K jobs?

Per one of the worlds most respected accounting/consulting firms obamas does.

You probably just missed my thread so here you go

http://www.getbig.com/boards/index.php?topic=431539.75

and since when did the left become opposed to middle class taxes?

I would think you guys wouldnt have any problem seeing how much obama care is going to raise taxes on everyone.

You must have missed that thread to so Ill kindly just give you the link to that one as well

http://www.getbig.com/boards/index.php?topic=431539.75

so the "rich" who already pay something like 90%+ of the federal income taxes collected dont pay enough blacken is that what youre saying?

while 50% dont pay any at all and in fact many get money back...

howardroark

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #4 on: August 01, 2012, 08:57:02 PM »
LOL what partisan BULLSHIT.

240 is Back

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #5 on: August 01, 2012, 09:00:18 PM »
A new Brookings Institution/Tax Policy Center study finds Mitt Romney's plan to overhaul the tax code would produce cuts for the richest 5% of Americans -- and larger bills for everybody else.

The Washington Post notes the researchers seemed "to bend over backward to be fair to the Republican presidential candidate" but "none of it helped Romney."

"His rate-cutting plan for individuals would reduce tax collections by about $360 billion in 2015, the study says. To avoid increasing deficits -- as Romney has pledged -- the plan would have to generate an equivalent amount of revenue by slashing tax breaks for mortgage interest, employer-provided health care, education, medical expenses, state and local taxes, and child care -- all breaks that benefit the middle class."

http://politicalwire.com/archives/2012/08/01/romney_tax_plan_would_raise_taxes_on_95.html

guys, what part of their report is false?

tonymctones

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #6 on: August 01, 2012, 09:14:37 PM »
guys, what part of their report is false?
We make the following assumptions:

Any reductions in revenue due to the lower corporate rate would be offset by reducing corporate tax preferences. As a result, we examine only changes to the individual income tax, alternative minimum tax, payroll tax, and estate tax. We ignore the effect of the proposal to reduce the corporate rate to 25 percent.
 
The plan would not reduce tax expenditures that aim to promote saving and investment. That is consistent with Governor Romney’s plan (and statements made by proponents of similar plans).[4] These provisions include preferential rates on capital gains and dividends; exemption of income accrued in qualified retirement and other tax-favored accounts (e.g., traditional and Roth IRAs and 401(k)s and education and health saving accounts); exemption of interest on state and local bonds; the exclusion of capital gains on home sales; the step-up in basis of assets bequeathed to heirs; and the Saver’s Credit. We exclude these provisions because most plans that have proposed large reductions in individual rates have also proposed to retain or even expand tax incentives for saving and investment.
 
The tax expenditure for imputed rent on owner-occupied homes and certain smaller hard-to-eliminate exclusions from income cannot or will not be eliminated. This group includes provisions that many would not identify as tax breaks, that have rarely or never been identified by policymakers as “on the table”, or that would be difficult to administer in practice.[5] The largest of these provisions are the tax exclusion for “imputed rent,” (the value of the housing services that homeowners obtain from living in their own homes) and the exemption from tax on the increase in the value of life insurance policies as people age. Smaller provisions include the exclusion from taxable income of combat pay, veterans’ benefits, and benefits for low-income families; previous reform proposals have excluded most of these smaller items. Moreover, because they are small, and because many primarily benefit lower- and middle-income households, including them would not meaningfully affect the results.
 
Tax expenditures would be eliminated or reduced “starting at the top.” This assumption is perhaps most important for our distributional analysis. Specifically, we offset revenue losses from tax rate reductions by first eliminating tax expenditures for the highest-income groups.  If--as it turns out--base-broadening at high-income levels does not recoup all lost revenue, we then limit tax expenditures for the next highest income group, and so on, until the overall plan is revenue neutral. This approach will likely (vastly) overstate the progressivity of any tax changes that could be pursued in practice, because it would be both administratively and politically impractical to completely eliminate all tax expenditures only above a given income threshold. (See further discussion on this point below.) Thus it serves as an upper bound on how progressive the reformed system could be relative to current policy.
 
Revenue and distributional effects are measured against the current policy baseline constructed by the Tax Policy Center. This baseline assumes permanent extension of the 2001, 2003, and 2010 tax cuts and certain other provisions (except the temporary payroll tax cut and a few temporary investment incentives) and the scheduled implementation of the ACA provisions. [6] (Using the current-law baseline would make the proposed tax changes look even more regressive—and they would no longer be revenue-neutral.)
 
Spending cuts are excluded from the analysis.  As a result, tax rate reductions are wholly financed by the most progressive possible combination of cuts in available income tax expenditures.  If spending cuts were used as a form of partial financing for the rate cuts listed above, the precise distributional effects would depend on the composition of the cuts and which programs and government functions were reduced. It is likely, however, that cutting spending would make the plan even more regressive because government spending tends to benefit low- and middle-income households more than tax preferences do

howardroark

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #7 on: August 01, 2012, 09:16:40 PM »
guys, what part of their report is false?

This part:

"We do not score Governor Romney’s plan directly, as certain components of his plan are not specified in sufficient detail, nor do we make assumptions regarding what those components might be."

GigantorX

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #8 on: August 02, 2012, 05:58:14 AM »
Well.....I guess that's that.

Strange that this report on Mitt's tax plan really doesn't cover the tax plan.

Also interesting that the author of the article was linked closely with Obama.

Interesting.

blacken700

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #9 on: August 02, 2012, 12:34:40 PM »

Soul Crusher

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #10 on: August 02, 2012, 12:35:51 PM »


oh there is a real good host!  Another screamer 

blacken700

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #11 on: August 02, 2012, 12:40:00 PM »
Nine takeaways on Romney’s tax plan

Posted by Ezra Klein
August 2, 2012

1) The Tax Policy Center bent over backwards to make Romney’s promises add up. They assumed a Romney administration wouldn’t cut a dollar of tax preferences for anyone making less than $200,000 until they had cut every dollar of tax preferences for everyone making over $200,000. They left all preferences for savings and investment untouched, as Romney has promised. They even tested the plan under a model developed, in part, by Greg Mankiw, one of Romney’s economic advisers, that promises “implausibly large growth effects” from tax cuts. The fact that they couldn’t make Romney’s numbers work even when they stacked all these scenarios on top of one another shows just how impossible Romney’s promises are.

2) The reason Romney’s plan doesn’t work is very simple. The size of the tax cut he’s proposing for the rich is larger than all of the tax expenditures that go to the rich put together. As such, it is mathematically impossible for him to keep his promise to make sure the top one percent keeps paying the same or more.

3) This is going to be a huge problem for the Romney campaign. The Romney team has tried to paper over the fact that its policy promises don’t add up by withholding the crucial details that independent analysts need to do the math. But now independent analysts are filling in those details for them (the Tax Policy Center’s look at Romney’s tax plan should be read in tandem with the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities effort to flesh out his spending promises). And, ultimately, that’s worse, as actors with more credibility than the Romney campaign are showing what the Romney campaign was trying to hide.

4) Evidence the Romney campaign does not have a good counterargument, part one: If they thought releasing more details would make the plan look better rather than worse, they would have released them rather than letting outside organizations fill in the blanks. It’s essentially the same theory as refusing to release the tax returns. But now the Romney campaign is receiving pressure — including from conservatives — to release those details, which they know they can’t do. And unlike on the tax returns, no one can say that the details of Romney’s plans for governing the country are irrelevant to this campaign.

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #12 on: August 02, 2012, 12:42:29 PM »
Nine takeaways on Romney’s tax plan

Posted by Ezra Klein
August 2, 2012

1) The Tax Policy Center bent over backwards to make Romney’s promises add up. They assumed a Romney administration wouldn’t cut a dollar of tax preferences for anyone making less than $200,000 until they had cut every dollar of tax preferences for everyone making over $200,000. They left all preferences for savings and investment untouched, as Romney has promised. They even tested the plan under a model developed, in part, by Greg Mankiw, one of Romney’s economic advisers, that promises “implausibly large growth effects” from tax cuts. The fact that they couldn’t make Romney’s numbers work even when they stacked all these scenarios on top of one another shows just how impossible Romney’s promises are.

2) The reason Romney’s plan doesn’t work is very simple. The size of the tax cut he’s proposing for the rich is larger than all of the tax expenditures that go to the rich put together. As such, it is mathematically impossible for him to keep his promise to make sure the top one percent keeps paying the same or more.

3) This is going to be a huge problem for the Romney campaign. The Romney team has tried to paper over the fact that its policy promises don’t add up by withholding the crucial details that independent analysts need to do the math. But now independent analysts are filling in those details for them (the Tax Policy Center’s look at Romney’s tax plan should be read in tandem with the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities effort to flesh out his spending promises). And, ultimately, that’s worse, as actors with more credibility than the Romney campaign are showing what the Romney campaign was trying to hide.

4) Evidence the Romney campaign does not have a good counterargument, part one: If they thought releasing more details would make the plan look better rather than worse, they would have released them rather than letting outside organizations fill in the blanks. It’s essentially the same theory as refusing to release the tax returns. But now the Romney campaign is receiving pressure — including from conservatives — to release those details, which they know they can’t do. And unlike on the tax returns, no one can say that the details of Romney’s plans for governing the country are irrelevant to this campaign.


Can't flop any worse than this. 

blacken700

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #13 on: August 02, 2012, 12:45:00 PM »
stay on topic

howardroark

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #14 on: August 02, 2012, 01:17:24 PM »
stay on topic

The authors of your study couldn't stay on topic:

"We do not score Governor Romney’s plan directly, as certain components of his plan are not specified in sufficient detail, nor do we make assumptions regarding what those components might be."

tonymctones

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #15 on: August 02, 2012, 08:32:47 PM »
We make the following assumptions:

Any reductions in revenue due to the lower corporate rate would be offset by reducing corporate tax preferences. As a result, we examine only changes to the individual income tax, alternative minimum tax, payroll tax, and estate tax. We ignore the effect of the proposal to reduce the corporate rate to 25 percent.
 
The plan would not reduce tax expenditures that aim to promote saving and investment. That is consistent with Governor Romney’s plan (and statements made by proponents of similar plans).[4] These provisions include preferential rates on capital gains and dividends; exemption of income accrued in qualified retirement and other tax-favored accounts (e.g., traditional and Roth IRAs and 401(k)s and education and health saving accounts); exemption of interest on state and local bonds; the exclusion of capital gains on home sales; the step-up in basis of assets bequeathed to heirs; and the Saver’s Credit. We exclude these provisions because most plans that have proposed large reductions in individual rates have also proposed to retain or even expand tax incentives for saving and investment.
 
The tax expenditure for imputed rent on owner-occupied homes and certain smaller hard-to-eliminate exclusions from income cannot or will not be eliminated. This group includes provisions that many would not identify as tax breaks, that have rarely or never been identified by policymakers as “on the table”, or that would be difficult to administer in practice.[5] The largest of these provisions are the tax exclusion for “imputed rent,” (the value of the housing services that homeowners obtain from living in their own homes) and the exemption from tax on the increase in the value of life insurance policies as people age. Smaller provisions include the exclusion from taxable income of combat pay, veterans’ benefits, and benefits for low-income families; previous reform proposals have excluded most of these smaller items. Moreover, because they are small, and because many primarily benefit lower- and middle-income households, including them would not meaningfully affect the results.
 
Tax expenditures would be eliminated or reduced “starting at the top.” This assumption is perhaps most important for our distributional analysis. Specifically, we offset revenue losses from tax rate reductions by first eliminating tax expenditures for the highest-income groups.  If--as it turns out--base-broadening at high-income levels does not recoup all lost revenue, we then limit tax expenditures for the next highest income group, and so on, until the overall plan is revenue neutral. This approach will likely (vastly) overstate the progressivity of any tax changes that could be pursued in practice, because it would be both administratively and politically impractical to completely eliminate all tax expenditures only above a given income threshold. (See further discussion on this point below.) Thus it serves as an upper bound on how progressive the reformed system could be relative to current policy.
 
Revenue and distributional effects are measured against the current policy baseline constructed by the Tax Policy Center. This baseline assumes permanent extension of the 2001, 2003, and 2010 tax cuts and certain other provisions (except the temporary payroll tax cut and a few temporary investment incentives) and the scheduled implementation of the ACA provisions. [6] (Using the current-law baseline would make the proposed tax changes look even more regressive—and they would no longer be revenue-neutral.)
 
Spending cuts are excluded from the analysis.  As a result, tax rate reductions are wholly financed by the most progressive possible combination of cuts in available income tax expenditures.  If spending cuts were used as a form of partial financing for the rate cuts listed above, the precise distributional effects would depend on the composition of the cuts and which programs and government functions were reduced. It is likely, however, that cutting spending would make the plan even more regressive because government spending tends to benefit low- and middle-income households more than tax preferences do
LMFAO if you give me the same number of assumptions I can create a study that shows youre actually intelligent...

blacken700

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #16 on: August 03, 2012, 03:52:58 PM »
Mitt Romney would cut millionaires’ taxes, Barack Obama says
 
Share this story:
 This Obama campaign ad aired in August 2012.
You comparison shop for cans of tuna. Mitt Romney rides on Donald Trump’s jet.

A new Obama campaign ad shows those scenes to hammer at the lifestyle differences between struggling middle-class Americans and the Republican presidential candidate. Then it takes aim at Romney’s economic proposals.

"Now he has a plan," the ad says, "that would give millionaires another tax break and raises taxes on middle-class families by up to $2,000 a year."

We know from our previous reporting on Romney’s tax plan that it offers across-the-board cuts, including for the very wealthy. But a new independent study offers broader perspective on how taxpayers at all income levels would be affected by Romney’s plan.

So we decided to take a look.

Romney’s tax "plan"

We need to be clear from the start that the problem independent analysts, journalists and fact-checkers have with digging into Romney's tax plan is that much of the "plan" isn't yet known.

Romney has suggested general parameters:

• The rate cuts would be paid for without adding to the deficit.
• People at the high end "will still pay the same share of the tax burden they’re paying now."
• Everyone would see tax rate reductions.

He has outlined specific tax cuts on his campaign website. They include: cutting marginal rates by 20 percent on a permanent, across-the-board basis; eliminating interest, dividend and capital gains taxes for taxpayers earning less than $200,000; eliminating the estate tax; and repealing the Alternative Minimum Tax.
   
Romney would also cut the corporate rate to 25 percent.

To offset those cuts, Romney has hinted that he would eliminate some common tax write-offs and deductions for people with high incomes.

The effect of Romney's plan

Knowing all that, the Tax Policy Center, a joint project of the Urban Institute and Brookings Institution that evaluates tax proposals submitted by presidential candidates, examined the effect of Romney’s tax rate cuts combined with the elimination of several common tax deductions. Those include the mortgage interest deduction, charitable giving deduction and the exclusion for health insurance. The center published its findings on Aug. 1, 2012.

To try and keep with Romney's guiding principles, the authors eliminated deductions and write-offs -- starting with the deductions for top earners first -- until they came up with enough revenue to offset the $360 billion in tax cuts that are part of Romney's plan.

They determined that people who earn $1 million or more in taxable income would see an average net tax decrease of $87,117. They’d save $175,961 from Romney's tax cut, but lose $88,444 in deductions.

"They would still get a tax cut," said Adam Looney, one of the authors. "The dollar value of the tax cuts is just way bigger than the mortgage interest and other deductions. There’s no way to implement this plan in a way that doesn’t result in a pretty big tax cut for that group (those making more than $1 million)."

People who earn between $500,000 and $1 million would see a cut of about $17,000, and taxes for people with incomes between $200,000 and $500,000 would decrease by about $1,800, the study found.

But to make Romney's plan revenue neutral, deductions would also have to be removed for people with incomes below $200,000, and the effects of that would be significant, the study found. In fact, the elimination of the deductions would mean outright tax increases for everyone with incomes below $200,000. People with taxable income between $50,000 and $75,000, for example, would see an average net tax increase of $641. They’d save $984 from Romney's rate cut, but lose $2,672 in write-offs.

The authors specifically noted that taxpayers with children whose income is below $200,000 would see their taxes go up by an average of $2,041 -- the figure highlighted in Obama’s ad.

The reason for the increase is that the most popular tax breaks heavily benefit middle- and lower-income families, the 95 percent of the population earning less than $200,000 who carry mortgage debt and use employer-provided health insurance.

And though Romney has suggested he would focus on taking the deductions away from the wealthy, the study concluded that alone would not make up the difference of the revenue sacrificed when rates are slashed.

"Somebody has to foot the bill for those tax cuts," Looney said. "You have to tap into middle- and lower-income households."

Bottom line: the study found that Romney couldn't keep all his goals based on what we know about his plan.

Romney campaign’s response

When the study appeared online, the Romney campaign posted a response on its website that did not specifically address the discrepancy.

"President Obama continues to tout liberal studies calling for more tax hikes and more government spending. We've been down that road before – and it's led us to 41 straight months of unemployment above 8 percent," said Romney spokesman Ryan Williams.

Looney is a senior fellow in economic studies at Brookings who has a Ph.D. from Harvard University. He served on Obama’s Council of Economic Advisers in 2009 and 2010. William Gale, another of the authors, is vice president of Brookings and director of its economic studies program. He served on President George H.W. Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers.

Lanhee Chen, the Romney campaign’s policy director, later added in a press release that the study ignored the corporate tax rate cut Romney proposes and his deficit reduction plan.

"These glaring gaps invalidate the report’s conclusions," Chen said.

The Romney campaign said that the study ignored the assertion that lower tax rates will grow the economy -- which they say will translate into more tax revenues. That will help make the plan revenue neutral even with lower overall tax rates.

Spending cuts, likewise, could help balance the tax cuts without having to raise taxes on people making less than $200,000. The study, for the record, did consider that possibility but concluded it was impossible to evaluate the effect of spending cuts without knowing what would be cut.  They also noted that "government spending tends to benefit low- and middle-income households."

We find nothing in the study that distorts Romney’s proposals. It makes assumptions favorable to Romney, namely that his plan would lead to greater economic growth and raise revenues. The Tax Policy Center, whose director is another former adviser to Bush, is well-respected for its unbiased work, and even the Romney campaign praised it in November 2011 for offering "objective, third-party analysis."

Our ruling

Obama said Romney is proposing a tax plan "that would give millionaires another tax break and raises taxes on middle class families by up to $2,000 a year."

The claims are based on a study by the Tax Policy Center, which used what Romney has said about his tax plan and attempted to calculate outcomes for different groups of taxpayers.

The study prioritizes the idea that the plan would be revenue neutral. In that scenario, millionaires lose deductions, but the lower rates would still decrease their tax bill by an average of $87,000.

Middle-class taxpayers would see lower tax rates, too, but the loss of exemptions and deductions would hit them harder. People making $200,000 or less a year would see their taxes rise by an average of about $2,000.

The study is making the point that Romney’s plan is untenable: to cut rates that much without adding to the deficit, something has to give. It necessarily makes some assumptions, and therefore these conclusions are not definite as long as the details of the plan remain unknown. For that reason, people should be cautious in calling this Romney's plan.

We rate the claim Mostly True.

Straw Man

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #17 on: August 03, 2012, 04:10:05 PM »
funny how the Romney campgain called the Tax Policy Center Objective when it put out an analysis of Rick Perrys Tax plan but now tries to call them biased when the scrutinize his plan

I understand that Romney  has left out details in his plan which the TPC has stated but it seems disingenious to call them Objective when it serves your purpose and the totally biased when it does not


http://livewire.talkingpointsmemo.com/entries/romney-camp-cited-same-think-tank-they-now


Quote
While the Romney campaign hasn’t rebutted the substance of the study, they claim the Tax Policy Center should be dismissed entirely as a biased source.

But the Obama campaign notes that Romney aides took a very different view of the group when they put out a similar analysis of Rick Perry’s tax plan during the Republican primaries. Here’s how a Romney press release in November described their work: Objective, Third-Party Analysis Showed Governor Perry’s Plan Would Raise Taxes On Millions Of American Families – But He Doesn’t Seem Interested In The Discussion

tonymctones

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #18 on: August 03, 2012, 04:17:08 PM »
But does it cost us 700K jobs?

Per one of the worlds most respected accounting/consulting firms obamas does.

You probably just missed my thread so here you go

http://www.getbig.com/boards/index.php?topic=431539.75

and since when did the left become opposed to middle class taxes?

I would think you guys wouldnt have any problem seeing how much obama care is going to raise taxes on everyone.

You must have missed that thread to so Ill kindly just give you the link to that one as well

http://www.getbig.com/boards/index.php?topic=431539.75

so the "rich" who already pay something like 90%+ of the federal income taxes collected dont pay enough blacken is that what youre saying?

while 50% dont pay any at all and in fact many get money back...

blacken700

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #19 on: August 03, 2012, 04:18:21 PM »
Mitt Romney would cut millionaires’ taxes, Barack Obama says
 
Share this story:
 This Obama campaign ad aired in August 2012.
You comparison shop for cans of tuna. Mitt Romney rides on Donald Trump’s jet.

A new Obama campaign ad shows those scenes to hammer at the lifestyle differences between struggling middle-class Americans and the Republican presidential candidate. Then it takes aim at Romney’s economic proposals.

"Now he has a plan," the ad says, "that would give millionaires another tax break and raises taxes on middle-class families by up to $2,000 a year."

We know from our previous reporting on Romney’s tax plan that it offers across-the-board cuts, including for the very wealthy. But a new independent study offers broader perspective on how taxpayers at all income levels would be affected by Romney’s plan.

So we decided to take a look.

Romney’s tax "plan"

We need to be clear from the start that the problem independent analysts, journalists and fact-checkers have with digging into Romney's tax plan is that much of the "plan" isn't yet known.

Romney has suggested general parameters:

• The rate cuts would be paid for without adding to the deficit.
• People at the high end "will still pay the same share of the tax burden they’re paying now."
• Everyone would see tax rate reductions.

He has outlined specific tax cuts on his campaign website. They include: cutting marginal rates by 20 percent on a permanent, across-the-board basis; eliminating interest, dividend and capital gains taxes for taxpayers earning less than $200,000; eliminating the estate tax; and repealing the Alternative Minimum Tax.
   
Romney would also cut the corporate rate to 25 percent.

To offset those cuts, Romney has hinted that he would eliminate some common tax write-offs and deductions for people with high incomes.

The effect of Romney's plan

Knowing all that, the Tax Policy Center, a joint project of the Urban Institute and Brookings Institution that evaluates tax proposals submitted by presidential candidates, examined the effect of Romney’s tax rate cuts combined with the elimination of several common tax deductions. Those include the mortgage interest deduction, charitable giving deduction and the exclusion for health insurance. The center published its findings on Aug. 1, 2012.

To try and keep with Romney's guiding principles, the authors eliminated deductions and write-offs -- starting with the deductions for top earners first -- until they came up with enough revenue to offset the $360 billion in tax cuts that are part of Romney's plan.

They determined that people who earn $1 million or more in taxable income would see an average net tax decrease of $87,117. They’d save $175,961 from Romney's tax cut, but lose $88,444 in deductions.

"They would still get a tax cut," said Adam Looney, one of the authors. "The dollar value of the tax cuts is just way bigger than the mortgage interest and other deductions. There’s no way to implement this plan in a way that doesn’t result in a pretty big tax cut for that group (those making more than $1 million)."

People who earn between $500,000 and $1 million would see a cut of about $17,000, and taxes for people with incomes between $200,000 and $500,000 would decrease by about $1,800, the study found.

But to make Romney's plan revenue neutral, deductions would also have to be removed for people with incomes below $200,000, and the effects of that would be significant, the study found. In fact, the elimination of the deductions would mean outright tax increases for everyone with incomes below $200,000. People with taxable income between $50,000 and $75,000, for example, would see an average net tax increase of $641. They’d save $984 from Romney's rate cut, but lose $2,672 in write-offs.

The authors specifically noted that taxpayers with children whose income is below $200,000 would see their taxes go up by an average of $2,041 -- the figure highlighted in Obama’s ad.

The reason for the increase is that the most popular tax breaks heavily benefit middle- and lower-income families, the 95 percent of the population earning less than $200,000 who carry mortgage debt and use employer-provided health insurance.

And though Romney has suggested he would focus on taking the deductions away from the wealthy, the study concluded that alone would not make up the difference of the revenue sacrificed when rates are slashed.

"Somebody has to foot the bill for those tax cuts," Looney said. "You have to tap into middle- and lower-income households."

Bottom line: the study found that Romney couldn't keep all his goals based on what we know about his plan.

Romney campaign’s response

When the study appeared online, the Romney campaign posted a response on its website that did not specifically address the discrepancy.

"President Obama continues to tout liberal studies calling for more tax hikes and more government spending. We've been down that road before – and it's led us to 41 straight months of unemployment above 8 percent," said Romney spokesman Ryan Williams.

Looney is a senior fellow in economic studies at Brookings who has a Ph.D. from Harvard University. He served on Obama’s Council of Economic Advisers in 2009 and 2010. William Gale, another of the authors, is vice president of Brookings and director of its economic studies program. He served on President George H.W. Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers.

Lanhee Chen, the Romney campaign’s policy director, later added in a press release that the study ignored the corporate tax rate cut Romney proposes and his deficit reduction plan.

"These glaring gaps invalidate the report’s conclusions," Chen said.

The Romney campaign said that the study ignored the assertion that lower tax rates will grow the economy -- which they say will translate into more tax revenues. That will help make the plan revenue neutral even with lower overall tax rates.

Spending cuts, likewise, could help balance the tax cuts without having to raise taxes on people making less than $200,000. The study, for the record, did consider that possibility but concluded it was impossible to evaluate the effect of spending cuts without knowing what would be cut.  They also noted that "government spending tends to benefit low- and middle-income households."

We find nothing in the study that distorts Romney’s proposals. It makes assumptions favorable to Romney, namely that his plan would lead to greater economic growth and raise revenues. The Tax Policy Center, whose director is another former adviser to Bush, is well-respected for its unbiased work, and even the Romney campaign praised it in November 2011 for offering "objective, third-party analysis."

Our ruling

Obama said Romney is proposing a tax plan "that would give millionaires another tax break and raises taxes on middle class families by up to $2,000 a year."

The claims are based on a study by the Tax Policy Center, which used what Romney has said about his tax plan and attempted to calculate outcomes for different groups of taxpayers.

The study prioritizes the idea that the plan would be revenue neutral. In that scenario, millionaires lose deductions, but the lower rates would still decrease their tax bill by an average of $87,000.

Middle-class taxpayers would see lower tax rates, too, but the loss of exemptions and deductions would hit them harder. People making $200,000 or less a year would see their taxes rise by an average of about $2,000.

The study is making the point that Romney’s plan is untenable: to cut rates that much without adding to the deficit, something has to give. It necessarily makes some assumptions, and therefore these conclusions are not definite as long as the details of the plan remain unknown. For that reason, people should be cautious in calling this Romney's plan.

We rate the claim Mostly True.


tonymctones

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #20 on: August 03, 2012, 04:23:40 PM »
But does it cost us 700K jobs?

Per one of the worlds most respected accounting/consulting firms obamas does.

You probably just missed my thread so here you go

http://www.getbig.com/boards/index.php?topic=431539.75

and since when did the left become opposed to middle class taxes?

I would think you guys wouldnt have any problem seeing how much obama care is going to raise taxes on everyone.

You must have missed that thread to so Ill kindly just give you the link to that one as well

http://www.getbig.com/boards/index.php?topic=431539.75

so the "rich" who already pay something like 90%+ of the federal income taxes collected dont pay enough blacken is that what youre saying?

while 50% dont pay any at all and in fact many get money back...

blacken700

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #21 on: August 03, 2012, 04:27:44 PM »
People making $200,000 or less a year would see their taxes rise by an average of about $2,000.


i can see where he's for the average guy

blacken700

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #22 on: August 03, 2012, 04:28:44 PM »

tonymctones

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #23 on: August 03, 2012, 04:36:22 PM »
People making $200,000 or less a year would see their taxes rise by an average of about $2,000.


i can see where he's for the average guy
LOL so when did democrats become so opposed to middle class tax hikes?

Straw Man

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Re: Brookings Institute: Romney Tax plan raises taxes on 95% (major issue)
« Reply #24 on: August 03, 2012, 04:43:43 PM »
LOL so when did democrats become so opposed to middle class tax hikes?

Obama had been saying he was against them since the time he was on the campaign trail in 2008

I'm in favor of letting all the Bush tax cuts expire at the end of the year and let Congress work out a new tax cut (if they want to) in 2013

I think that the totally fair way to go - all income tax brackets get reset to pre-Bush levels and the current Congress can work on a new agreement going foward